Political and Treaty Organizations: Supporting Collective Self-Determination
While First Nations, Inuit, and Métis are distinct Indigenous peoples with their own unique cultures and governance systems, they have also formed various regional, national, and thematic organizations. These organizations serve as vital administrative and political bodies that represent the collective interests of multiple communities or citizens. These organizations play a crucial role in:
Advocacy: Championing the rights and interests of their member Nations or citizens to various levels of government and the public.
Treaty Implementation: Working to ensure the Crown upholds its responsibilities under historic and modern treaties.
Service Delivery: Developing and delivering programs and services tailored to the specific needs of their members, often in areas like health, education, economic development, and cultural preservation.
Capacity Building: Supporting member communities in strengthening their own governance and administrative capacities.
Collective Negotiation: Acting as a unified voice in negotiations with governments on issues affecting multiple Nations.
These organizations are not distinct cultural groups themselves, but rather political and administrative structures designed to enhance self-determination and collective well-being.
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Role: The Confederacy of Treaty Six First Nations is a political advocacy organization that represents the 16 First Nations signatories of Treaty 6 in Alberta. Treaty 6 is a historic agreement signed in 1876, covering central Alberta and Saskatchewan.
Purpose: The Confederacy's primary role is to ensure the solemn spirit and intent of Treaty 6 are understood, respected, and upheld by the Crown. They advocate for the collective rights and interests of their member Nations in areas such as land, resource management, health, education, and self-governance. They provide a unified voice for Treaty 6 Nations in their dealings with the federal and provincial governments, working to implement treaty provisions and address historical grievances.
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Role: This organization is a newer entity in British Columbia, focused on a critical area of need for First Nations communities across the province: housing and infrastructure.
Purpose: Its role is to develop and implement First Nations-led strategies and solutions to address the housing and infrastructure crisis in BC Indigenous communities. This includes advocating for funding, supporting capacity building within communities for housing and infrastructure management, developing culturally appropriate housing designs, and promoting sustainable infrastructure development. The organization aims to ensure that First Nations have safe, adequate, and culturally relevant housing and essential infrastructure (like water, wastewater, and energy systems) on their lands.
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Role: This organization is a collective body representing several Mi'kmaq First Nations in New Brunswick. The name Mi’gmawe’l Tplu’taqnn means "Mi'kmaq way of being" or "Mi'kmaq law/governance."
Purpose: It serves as a central body for collective advocacy, governance, and resource management on behalf of its member communities. Their work often involves treaty rights negotiations, land and resource management, cultural preservation, and economic development initiatives. They provide a unified voice for their member Mi'kmaq communities in their dealings with the federal and provincial governments in New Brunswick.
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Role: The Southern Chiefs' Organization (SCO) is a political organization that represents 33 Anishinaabe and Dakota First Nations in Southern Manitoba.
Purpose: The SCO's mandate is to advocate for the interests of its member Nations and work towards enhancing their quality of life, asserting their inherent rights, and advancing self-determination. They engage in policy development, negotiations with governments, and the delivery of programs and services in areas such as health, education, justice, economic development, and inherent rights. The SCO plays a significant role in empowering First Nations in Southern Manitoba to exercise greater control over their own affairs.
The Historic Treaties: Sacred Agreements Between Nations
The map of historic treaties illustrates one of the most significant and complex chapters in the history of what is now Canada. These are not simply historical land transactions; they are solemn, constitutionally-recognized agreements between sovereign nations—the various First Nations and the British and later, the Canadian Crown.
To understand the treaties, it is crucial to recognize that they were understood very differently by the parties who entered into them.
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From 1701 to 1930, the Crown entered into over 70 historic treaties with First Nations. These agreements were created for various reasons, including establishing peace, fostering military alliances, and, most significantly, opening up vast territories for settlement, resource development, and the construction of railways.
There are two main categories of historic treaties:
Peace and Friendship Treaties (1725-1779): Found primarily in the Maritime provinces and parts of Quebec, these early treaties were not about land surrender. They were diplomatic agreements focused on establishing peace, ensuring trade, and creating military alliances between the Crown and First Nations, primarily the Mi'kmaq, Wolastoqiyik (Maliseet), and Passamaquoddy.
Land Cession or "Numbered" Treaties (1871-1921): These are the 11 large treaties that cover Northern Ontario, the Prairie provinces, and parts of British Columbia, Yukon, and the Northwest Territories. These were the primary vehicles for the Canadian government to gain access to land for westward expansion.
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The fundamental challenge in interpreting the treaties lies in the profoundly different worldviews of the negotiators.
The Crown's Perspective:
For the British and Canadian governments, the treaties were primarily legal and commercial contracts. Driven by the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (which required the Crown to negotiate with Indigenous nations for their lands before settlement could occur), their goal was to legally "clear the title" to the land. They viewed the treaties as a one-time transaction: First Nations would cede or surrender their title to the land in exchange for specific, one-time or ongoing benefits. The written text, drafted by Crown lawyers in English, was considered the definitive and final record.The First Nations' Perspective:
For First Nations, treaties were not one-time transactions but the creation of a sacred, ongoing relationship—a covenant meant to last "as long as the sun shines, the grass grows, and the rivers flow." Their understanding was based on several key principles:Sharing, Not Surrendering: From an Indigenous worldview, land could not be bought or sold like a commodity; it was a sacred source of life to be shared. They understood the treaties as agreements to share the land and its resources with the newcomers, not to extinguish their own rights to it forever.
Spirit and Intent: The negotiations were conducted orally in Indigenous languages. The spoken promises, the ceremonial aspects (like the smoking of the pipe), and the overall spirit and intent of the agreement were considered just as, if not more, binding than the written words. Many First Nations leaders argue that the written text often failed to capture the full scope of the promises made.
Securing a Future: Facing immense pressure from settler encroachment and the disappearance of the bison, First Nations leaders negotiated to ensure the survival and well-being of their people for generations to come. They sought promises of support, protection, and the means to adapt to a rapidly changing world.
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In exchange for sharing the land, the Crown made a series of promises that are enshrined in the treaty texts, including:
Reserve Lands: Small parcels of land set aside for the exclusive use and benefit of the First Nation.
Annuities: Small annual payments to each member of the First Nation.
Hunting, Fishing, and Trapping Rights: The right to continue their traditional way of life on the treaty territory.
Education and Health Care: Promises to provide schools and teachers ("schoolhouse clause") and to maintain a "medicine chest" for the health of the people. These clauses are the treaty basis for federal responsibility in these areas.
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When you look at the map of historic treaty boundaries, it is important to understand what it shows and what it does not.
What it shows: The map illustrates the immense geographic scale of these nation-to-nation agreements and the process by which the Canadian state was formed. The distinct colours and numbers help differentiate the major treaty areas.
What it does not show:
The First Nations' Perspective: The lines on the map are colonial constructs. They do not represent the fluid, often overlapping, traditional territories of First Nations.
Unceded Territory: Large parts of Canada, including most of British Columbia, parts of Quebec, and Atlantic Canada, are not covered by any land cession treaties. These are the unceded, sovereign territories of First Nations.
The Spirit of the Agreement: A map cannot capture the sacred nature of the treaty relationship or the oral promises that are central to the First Nations' understanding of these agreements.
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The historic treaties are not relics of the past. They are living, foundational documents that are protected under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution. Today, the interpretation and implementation of these treaties are at the heart of modern land claims, legal battles, and the ongoing process of reconciliation. Much of the work of "Treaties and Aboriginal Government" is dedicated to resolving disputes arising from the Crown's failure to honour the spirit and intent of these sacred agreements.